Investigation services for government Crime types Child protection Counterfeit currency Cyber crime Drug crime Environmental crime Family law Fighting terrorism Fraud Human trafficking Intellectual property crime People smuggling Proceeds of crime Services Community engagement Our work at major airports Our work overseas Operational support Operational priorities Campaigns. Human trafficking. Around the world men, women and children are trafficked for a wide range of exploitative purposes, such as: Servitude Slavery Forced labour Debt Bondage Forced marriage, or Organ harvesting Australia is primarily a destination country for people trafficked from Asia, particularly Thailand, Korea, the Philippines and Malaysia.
Human Trafficking and People Smuggling Human Trafficking is different to People Smuggling: Human trafficking is the physical movement of people across and within borders through deceptive means, force or coercion. The people who commit human trafficking offences are motivated by the continuing exploitation of their victims once they reach their destination country.
Organized crime - profiting from the exploitation of human beings
But while government-sponsored Anti-Trafficking Units, which are supposed to investigate human trafficking cases, continue to be established and more prosecutions are occurring, the laws are not widely enforced. At the same time, factors like corruption and lack of training and resources make it difficult to ensure that programs are effective. The U. State Department has encouraged India to continue raising awareness about human trafficking, work to establish special anti-trafficking courts, and file and prosecute cases on the local level.
The Law on Suppression of Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation is intended to curb human trafficking efforts in Cambodia, and was implemented so that the country could comply with U. However, this law has been criticized for conflating sex work and human trafficking, making those who engage in sex work either go into hiding or be at risk for prosecution. As one of the poorest countries in Asia, sex work is often considered economically rational—especially for those from rural areas—and it becomes challenging to discern who is trafficked and who is participating by choice.
South Korea is a Tier 1 county on the United States Trafficking in Persons Report, which means it meets the minimum standards for preventing human trafficking. Still, there are many cases of labor exploitation and trafficking in 3D difficult, dirty, dangerous factories, where many migrant workers and vulnerable locals fall ill or are abused. The Punishment of Acts Arranging Sexual Traffic and its Labor Standards Act places harsh sentences on traffickers, but there is no clear legislation defining trafficking, so it is actually difficult to determine and prosecute these individuals.
Trafficking is unfortunately widespread in South Korea, and many cases have been reported of people from Russia, North Korea, the Phillipines, and Thailand being exploited in labor or the sex industry. Many human trafficking victims in the United States originate in South Korea, and find themselves in situations of forced labor and debt bondage when they arrive.
The Kvinnofrid law makes it illegal to buy sex, but not to sell sex. It was perceived that such a law would reduce human trafficking and the demand for prostitution. This can actually make it more dangerous for sex workers to operate.
After being widely debated, the law was later adopted by Norway and Iceland, though measuring the impact of the laws has still been difficult. In , Denmark decriminalized prostitution, under the assumption that it would be easier to regulate if it was legal. There are even several organizations that research and support sex workers rights and unions.
They are forced to live under conditions not of their choosing, often subjected to harsh treatment and abuse. The history and processes of slavery, debt bondage and forced migration in the Philippines form the backdrop for understanding the workings and effects of larger global processes in the country. As my opening stories suggest, the international traffic in humans is predicated upon, and elaborated from, practices of domestic trafficking and labor exploitation as migrants move from impoverished rural areas to more developed urban centers.
It goes without saying, of course, that imperialism, colonization and globalization — with their implicit power differentials between core and periphery — introduced an international market eagerly willing to invest in the trafficking and consumption of Filipino bodies. But there is an important difference between the traditions of slavery and debt bondage in previous centuries and those that have arisen in contemporary times. Where traditional forms of servitude were mitigated by personal, quasi-kinship relations between masters and servants, more contemporary practices have been based on the structural nature and economic imperatives of an inexorably globalized capitalist marketplace.
It is to these structuring features of globalization informing human trafficking — what we might think of as its socio-political ecology, if you will — that I now wish to turn to. Structural features: the socio-political ecology. It is not surprising that most trafficking victims are poor, lacking in education, and desperate for employment opportunities elsewhere. Most are victimized by illegal recruiters and sent to countries banned to Filipino workers.vancouverexchange.com/3111.php
Child trafficking Statistics
The system, at some level, had irrevocably let them down. To understand this chronic failure, it is necessary to get a sense of the structural forces underlying human trafficking. Poverty, unemployment and underemployment have no doubt played a significant role. The bleak prospects for gainful and creative employment have made people vulnerable to the lure of illegal recruiters offering better prospects abroad. Additionally, poverty brought on by civil war, as we see in parts of rural and southern Philippines -- where polygamy is common -- create rich breeding grounds for trafficking, leading to sexual and labor exploitation.
Already violently displaced, refugees of civil war tend to look upon forced migration as an improvement upon their present situation. In the Philippines, civil strife and massive unemployment on a national scale led the Marcos dictatorship to adopt a policy of encouraging overseas migration throughout the s. Given the urgent need for skilled and unskilled workers in the oil-rich Middle East, the booming economies of East Asia, and the aging populations of Western Europe, North America and, lately, Israel, huge markets opened up for Filipino labor.
Succeeding administrations have sought to capitalize upon the global demands of what has increasingly become the Filipino brand: that of "caring labor"— i.
Transparency International - The Global Anti-Corruption Coalition
In addition, the relative absence, until very recently, of population control policies in this predominantly Catholic country, has resulted in the steady increase of surplus labor available for export to global markets. What we have seen in the Philippines, then, is a combination of growing global demands for caring labor, sophisticated policies for cultivating and marketing Filipino labor overseas, and the concomitant dependence upon remittances to fuel domestic consumption, real estate booms, and economic growth.
Such an environment inevitably opens up multiple pathways for the workings of human trafficking. While the globalization of labor promises to improve economic prospects, it also paves the way for the proliferation of illegal recruiters, as well as local and transnational pimps, seeking to capitalize upon the inflated expectations of Filipino workers and their families. But the illegalities of trafficking can only thrive, given socio-political institutions tolerant of or at least indifferent to the commodification of human beings.
The relentless search for profits characteristic of globalization means that institutions often pursue "investment opportunities" rather than seeking the protection of migrant workers. Corruption both high and low is but symptomatic of the ways that greed and the profit-seeking motives of trafficking tend to contaminate the very institutions that are dedicated to fighting them. Just as cops can't keep up with sophisticated crooks who are better armed and better funded, so, too, are state agencies often unable to enforce otherwise good laws in the face of traffickers who are able to bribe and pay their way into, and out of, the legal systems of migration and recruitment.
It is also important to say something about the very structure of trafficking as a socio-economic activity. As many others have remarked, traffickers never work in isolation, but always in concert with others — from illegal recruiters to corrupt police, to an entire panoply of service providers in the finance, communications and transportation industries. Trafficking, in this sense, is a networked phenomenon: its operations are de-centralized, with shifting locations and shadowy agents. It works as much on the level of violent coercion as on artful dissimulation, which creates complicated relations between perpetrators, victims and the latter's families, making it difficult to detect — much less prosecute — human traffickers.
How to Help Stop Child Trafficking
Finally, we should note the difference between early modern and contemporary versions of chattel slavery. The former was characterized by the careful supervision and harsh discipline of slaves by masters. Slaves were regarded as a scarce and expensive property that was racially inferior. In contrast, the slavery that is the product of contemporary trafficking practices is much more global and less racially particular.
Anyone can potentially be trafficked, given the right conditions, regardless of color or creed, gender or age. And given advances in communications, transportation and computerized banking, government policies that encourage migration, along with rising global demands for certain kinds of labor, traffickers can take advantage of larger supplies of humans, turning them into cheap and disposable -- but eminently renewable — commodities.
Modern trafficking thus exposes workers to harsh conditions and great degrees of exploitation, while depriving them even more systematically of any sense of identity and community. Slaves in older systems were situated in particular places — the plantation, household or factory — and grouped together according to a particular racial identity. These conditions made it possible for them to come to the degree of self-knowledge necessary to engage in acts of individual and group resistance.
In contrast, modern-day slaves are even more victimized and separated from any sense of commonality and community. Such conditions make it extremely difficult for them to resist their conditions in any organized and sustained fashion, much less access the aid of states and NGOs. At the same time, the dispersed and de-centralized network operations of trafficking thriving upon computerized money laundering adds to the difficulties in prosecuting traffickers, given the difficulties of tracing the money trail and establishing criminal responsibility. Geography and political economy of trafficking.
What about the geography of trafficking as it is shaped, and continues to shape, its political economy? As I have said, it is important to make a distinction between domestic and international trafficking in the Philippines. But where international and domestic trafficking are concerned, Muslim Mindanao continues to remain a rich source of supply given the long history of trafficking in the area, easy access to the seas, proximity to Malaysia and therefore the Middle East and Europe, not to mention coastlines that are impossible to police and regulate.
However, it should be noted that Filipino power brokers — many of whom are politically well-connected — appear to find it more logistically convenient to engage in the trafficking of Filipinos domestically. In contrast, the heads of syndicates profiting from the trade of Filipino bodies overseas tend to be the owners of clubs and bars from the host countries themselves.
Naturally, Filipino middle-men and women surprisingly, so many Filipino traffickers are women play a significant role in both contexts, but they themselves are not usually owners of overseas properties where trafficking takes place, nor are they generally economic power brokers with genuine institutional and infra-structural power. That Filipino power brokers tend to stick with domestic trafficking operations may be due to the fact that the costs of owning clubs and bars overseas remains generally prohibitive, as are the legal and administrative requirements they have to adhere to as foreign nationals.
Hence, the rhetoric of combating international trafficking heard frequently in the Philippines often tends to gloss over the infinitely more corrosive problems of domestic trafficking.
Where the domestic trade is concerned, the nodal points of trafficking can be readily found at an intra-city level. There, young men and women are forced to work in clubs located in areas zoned for tourists.
Such clubs are established with the active collaboration of certain members of the police and law enforcement, including the occasional involvement of high-ranking government officials. There are also sweat shops and incarceration in homes — where forms of abuse and coerced labor take place among migrants — but remain difficult to prove or measure, and therefore hard to prosecute. Government responses to human trafficking: the Aquino administration.
I'd now like to shift to the current Aquino administration. What are the challenges it faces and what are some of the solutions it has sought to enact to combat human trafficking? Prevention will have to begin in countries of origin, putting all of us in the front lines in the fight against human trafficking. So why do trafficking numbers remain so high? How do the traffickers do it? Take a country like Syria. Word on the ground is that applicants apply for a visa using a fake affidavit of support for vacation from a fictitious person there and "go for a visit. Over 3, Filipinos have been repatriated from Syria since March Alarmingly, the Jan mass repatriation of Filipinos from Syria revealed that 90 percent of them had been irregular or undocumented; 99 percent had been trafficked; 93 individuals were not in the Bureau of Immigration database; and 29 out of 95 passports had counterfeit Departure Border Stamps.
Abroad, prosecuting foreigners for having abused Filipinas has been next to impossible. For example, in Saudi Arabia — where we send a high percentage of our overseas workers — domestics are not even covered by the labor code. Prosecuting overseas criminals — given the burden of proof required — is notoriously expensive, and embassies are already saddled with huge expenses even without them.
Issues pertaining to national territory are also fairly complicated, and depend upon the host country's laws: in general, embassies cannot simply raid a dwelling where abuse is allegedly taking place.